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In his preface, prolegomena and notes to the Bible, Clarius provided a form of pre-Tridentine Biblical scholarship which enjoyed more affinities with evan- gelical Protestant scholarship than with much of the Italian Biblical heri- tage. In spite of his presence at Trent and his reputation as a scholar, Clarius could not escape the censorship which struck his Bible after the Index of There is abundant evidence that for the two decades preceding the meeting of the Council of Trent, works of the Swiss and German Protestant Reformers, their biblical commentaries in particular, circulated easily in Italy.

In partic- ular, they were common currency in milieux marked by that evangelical humanism which sought a reform of the church effected through a return to the sources of the faith in Scripture and the writings of the Fathers. The abbot, in Simon's view, ought either to have produced a new translation of his own, or to have concentrated on purging the old of copyists' errors. Instead he had published a hybrid as unscientific as it was unsatisfac- tory.

Beyond the Stream

Since the Seventeenth Century those few persons who have given any attention to Clarius have contented themselves with a repetition of Simon's strictures. This paper will attempt, within severely defined limits, an initial examination of Clarius' work, with particular reference to his sources. Clarius and his Vulgata Taddeo Cucchi was born in in the northern Italian town of Chiari Brescia ; he adopted "Isidore" upon becoming a Benedictine in , and "Clarius" in deference to his place of birth.

In Paul III named him to the papal Reform Commission where he was in close association with cardinal Contarini and his fellow Benedictine and subsequent cardinal Gregorio Cortese. During this period Fenlon iden- tifies Clarius as a formative influence upon Reginald Pole, with whom he would enjoy further contact during the first years of Trent. What began as a private project shared with a few associates, is now, at the insistence of friends, being reluctantly submitted to the public. In the first place in the studied labours of all of these, that edition which the whole world uses - and I suspect always will - has not yet been freed from its present miserable condition.

No one has taken the trouble to correct the errors with which it teems at every turn, a scandalous state of affairs considering that there exists in our day any number of persons who could have remedied this. Accordingly; his Vulgata will make conveniently accessible, to the general reader as well as to the specialist, a purified text accompanied by brief annotations.

As these clear the obstacles from the comprehension of the letter, the devout reader will the more easily and joyously advance to meditation upon the spiritual truths of Scripture. What principles does Clarius claim to have followed in the revision of the Latin Bible? In the first place, although he could have worked from the Hebrew sources himself, to avoid rendering his readers captive to personal idiosyncracies he has preferred to rely primarily upon the efforts of other scholars.

These authorities were not however deployed without discrimina- tion. Where the Hebrew seemed not to differ radically from the sense of the existing Latin, he preferred to retain the familiar, adding a note to enlighten the reader as to the difference with the Hebrew. Had I chosen to work with goldsmith's scales instead of using the standard of popular usage, I should certainly have offended the ears of the Church, and I would not have accomplished my purpose, the preservation of the common edition.

It is however his hope that his work will prove a useful beginning upon which, with the blessing of the Church's leadership, others will build until the task is fully accomplished. Several elements of this preface invite comment. Both style and content situate Clarius firmly in the camp of biblical humanism. The candor with which he unhesitatingly characterizes the defects of the received Latin makes clear his preference for the authority of the original tongues.

If this is honest in the light of his intention, viz.

Philosophy and Technology II

The preface is followed by a catena of eight biblical quotations, an exhortation to the study of Scripture, while the final two pages of the prolegomena, under the title "Haec docent sacra bibliorum scripta" summa- rize the central truths of Scripture with a distinctly evangelical ring. Since we cannot know whether the inclusion of these pages was the decision of Clarius or of his printer, too much weight should not be placed upon their presence. In any event, their provenance was the Bible of the still eminently respectable Robert Estienne of Paris. The deutero-canonical books of the Old Testament are in their traditional places in the Christian canon, not set apart at the end of the Old Testament as would become the Protestant fashion if they were printed at all , and the much-loved Prayer of Mariasses destined ultimately to disappear even from Roman Catholic Bibles appears at the end of Second Chronicles.

Yet there are indications that Clarius was not unaffected by humanist criticism of the Christian canon. Prior to the first book of Samuel, he reproduces Jerome's prologue on canon with its expressed preference for the more restricted Jewish canon. Furthermore, while the Hebrew canonical books receive an annotation in fine italic print which occupies the bottom one-third of a typical page, the deutero-canonical books rarely have any notes at all.

Annotation would therefore be impossible, unless one wished to philosophize upon this mass of errors, as too many exegetes had already done. Clarius' Sources My attention was first drawn to the Clarius Vulgate by striking textual reminiscences of the work of the Strasbourg Reformer, Martin Bucer, on the Psalms. These suggested that Clarius might have used as sources more than the Munster Bible that Simon had detected, that perhaps this north Italian biblical humanist with known links to the reform movement in the Italian church might have had a particular affinity for the exegesis of the evangelical upper Rhineland school, that sodalitas of humanist Biblical scholars in Strasbourg, Basel and Zurich.

Limiting this study to the Old Testament, though it corresponds to what was for Clarius the principal task, leaves as a desideratum another examination of his New Testament revision and notes. The Bible was quickly repro- duced in several Lyon and Antwerp editions, any one of which Clarius may have possessed.

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A comparison of the other readings wherein his text differs from a common form of the received text shows that he is consistently following the Estienne The only marginalia in Clarius' Vulgate are biblical cross-references which correspond at most points precisely to those of the Estienne edition.

Like the latter, Estienne avoids attribution of the received text to St. He is concerned to preserve and enhance the integrity of the Vulgate; but the many disparities between it and the Hebrew would trouble any reader setting it alongside one of the new translations. Accordingly Estienne has included a set of marginal notes gleaned for him by an unnamed scholar from Jewish as well as Christian sources, employing diacritical marks in the fashion of Origen and Jerome to identify for the reader the Latin's divergences from the Hebrew.

From Constantinople to the Frontier: The City and the Cities

Where, however, "our translation [i. Now that the work is done, let the Church's leaders be judge of its utility. In the 90 verses in our study there are about 20 changes indicated, while a further 14 are tacitly adopted these last almost certainly from his model Estienne.

As might be expected the poetry of the Song of Hannah and the Psalms is more frequently revised than is the prose of Genesis. Overall the ratio of revisions to verses is Next in importance is the multi-volume Bible with verse-by-verse com- mentary from the erstwhile Franciscan and teacher of Miinster, Conrad Pellican.

Since Pellican was teaching Hebrew Scriptures in Zurich.


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By the early 's, there could have been no doubt of the heretical provenance of biblica printed by Froschauer of Zurich! In fact, Pellican would have been an attractive tool. Like Clarius, the former Franciscan remained committed to the ongoing place of the Vulgate in the church.

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Its elucidation by means of variant readings from the Hebrew often placed in parentheses within the text could be hoped to serve to perpetuate "the venerable authority of the popular translation amongst the Christian people. The first is the paraphrased Psalter of Jan van Campen Campensis , the second the massive commentary on the Psalms by Bucer of Strasbourg.

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Each of these is much more significant in the annotations and their discussion can be left until later. First and foremost, he exercises his own judgement in their deployment. It is apparent that he often passes over emendations proposed by both Estienne and Pellican. He obviously dislikes the contemporary fashion of giving common names a more Hebraic form e.

Moscheh for Moses ; and resists the impulse, for example, to turn the "paradise of pleasure" of Genesis 2,8 into the "Garden of Eden" Though he takes cognizance of the Hebrew interjection Selah in a note at Ps 3,5. Hebraisms he avoids where their introduction would not contribute materially to the understanding of the literal sense. Thus at Ps 3,6 he retains "exsurrexi" with its Christological overtones, though "evigilavi" is given by Miinster, Pellican and Estienne.

On the other hand he can take bold action where he deems it warranted. In Psalm 14 there were in the Vulgate three units of text not present in the Hebrew: the phrase "non est usque ad unum" at the end of v. Perhaps because of its Christological application, Clarius does not follow his contemporary sources, retaining the offending member in v.

The other two however are dropped, the former without even an explanation and in defiance of what more traditional scholars consid- ered Pauline warrant for its inclusion.

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This is consistent with his operating principle, which called for him to avoid revisions not strictly neces- sary for the sense, drawing attention instead to the variant in the notes. Annotations of this sort are often but a few words, whereas those that elucidate difficult passages can be considerably more extensive. On the ninety verses in our seven passages, there are 59 formal notes, which become 72 when those that combine two or more verses are broken up.

Moreover another seven are given in the edition. Thus the ratio of notes to verses is As might be expected this often takes the form of a gloss of the Hebrew not thought important enough to insert as a revision. In the prophets. Munster furnishes the historical introduction that begins the annotation of each book. From Miinster too Clarius draws explana- tions of Hebraisms or of features of the ancient world, and occasionally a quote from the Targum or a mediaeval rabbinic comentator.

Very frequently Clarius uses Miinster verbatim. At places in the prophets Pellican seems behind one-half the notes; he contributes less in Genesis and Samuel, and very little in the Psalms.